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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. The Collapse of Stalinist Rule in Poland: Excerpts from Berman’s Self-Criticism Social and Political Activists by Vocation, These include Yugoslavia’s break with the Soviet Union inthe Polish events ofthe Hungarian uprising of the same year, and the Czechoslovak ‘Spring’, followed by the Warsaw Pact invasion of Yet it is perplexing to discover that the ‘Polish October’ has not been analyzed as comprehensively as the other political crises by Western scholars.
Indeed, the one noticeable characteristic of the historiography on the ‘Polish October’ is the complete absence of an authoritative study of the kind that exists on all the additional East European crises.
The Krzysztkf events of had been broad-based and included every major segment of society: The revolt against the Stalinist regime in Poland led to a breakdown of Party discipline, resulted in powerful restraints on further Sovietization, successfully resisted the threat of Soviet military intervention, and brought to power the first and last truly popular communist leader in Poland. The events of also engendered the largest single protest by the working class in the Soviet bloc, when the workers of Poznan rose against the regime.
All subsequent crises in Poland,were grounded on the precedent set in Even the fall of communism in Poland owes much of its genesis to the ‘Polish October’. However, the kruszewsli against Stalinist rule in Poland also had its darker moments.
Kruszewski, Krzysztof ( ). [WorldCat Identities]
The opponents of de-Stalinization unleased the spectre of anti-Semitism against their rivals krzyeztof the Keuszewski.
I would like to acknowledge the assistance extended to me by a number of institutions. A number of individuals helped me at various stages of my research. A special debt of thanks goes to my research supervisor Dr. His insightful kruzsewski, generosity, patience, and gentle nudges turned a dream into reality.
Wieslaw Wladyka, who kindly gave me a copy of the manuscript he prepared with Zbyslaw Rykowski on the ‘Polish October’. I received a tremendous amount of intellectual nauczsnia and assistance from a number of dear friends.
A debt that can never be repaid goes to my greatest supporter and dearest friend Lorna Rowell, to whom I dedicate this dissertation. Declaration This szttuka is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration.
I also declare that the dissertation does not exceed the 80, word limit. More than four decades nauczaniaa, Primo Levi recalled that as the Red Army speechlessly liberated the fortunate few from Auschwitz, a fellow survivor, a German named Thylle, sat on his bunk and sang the ‘International’ too: When Ceausescu of the Swiss bank account’s sings, we feel sick. When Thylle, ten long years in the Lager, sings, we weep.
It is a reminder that the Communist tradition has left its imprint deep in the souls of many different people from many different countries, and krzusztof those who identify with it are neither only oppressors nor only oppressed. They are not all wicked nor all noble, but a mixture of these and every other quality. This is the only spirit in which the history of nquczania Communist movement can 1 properly be understood [ The evolving debate concerning the end of communist rule in Poland will inevitably lead students of postwar Polish politics back to the year Review of Francis King and George Matthews, ed.
Brown, Surge to Freedom: What made kgzysztof large group of zealous Stalinist functionaries among the PZPR elite, who had earlier participated in the purge of so-called ‘national communists’ from the Party ranks, disavow their ‘internationalist’ past, opt for comprehensive de-Stalinization, and eventually lend support to their ‘sworn enemy’: A sztyka analysis of this apparent dilemma is the subject of this disserta- tion.
Although the period from Stalin’s death in March to the XX Congress was instrumental in setting the tone of the de-Stalinization campaign in Poland, it had a relatively weaker impact on what has become known as the ‘Polish October’. From until the end ofPoland’s de-Stalinization campaign ‘from the top’ followed a pattern similar to the one observed in the Soviet Union and the other countries of the Soviet bloc.
In light of the extensive documentary evidence that has been recently published, or otherwise made accessible to independent inquiry, it is now possible to reconstruct in great detail the events of In order to fully appreciate the context of the debates that took place in the PZPR inhowever, it is necessary kruszewzki analyze three factors that influenced the PZPR’s de-Stalinization campaign in The first is the campaign against the ‘rightist-nationalist deviation’ and Krzyeztof fall from power.
The third is the 4 Pelczynski in R. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Soviet Bloc: Unity and Conflict Cambridge, Mass. Talk about diverging roads to socialism was soon replaced with the rhetoric of a single, Soviet-directed road to socialism. Nauczaniw “first clash with Gomulka,” as Buro member Jakub Berman recently characterized it,8 took place soon after the PPR leader defied Stalin and publicly voiced his opposition to the policies of ‘The Information Bureau of Communist and Workers’ Parties’ Cominformnauczqnia in September The PPR General Secretary hit a raw nerve when he began to discuss the history of the revolutionary workers’ movement in Poland and its traditional hostility towards Polish independence.
Marian Spychalski and Boleslaw Bierut also attended the meetings. See Andrzej Werblan, Wladyslaw Gomulka: Stalin’s Polish Puppets [hereafter Toranska] London,p. He pointed to a direct relationship between the anti-independence position of the prewar revolutionary workers’ movement and the narrow social base of the PPR after World War II.
The struggle for an independent Poland belongs to the most beautiful traditions krzyssztof the PPS, which we should adopt as the basis for the 13 united party. He added that only by fusing the “historic achievements” of the PPS with those of the PPR would the struggle for a ‘Polish road to socialism’ be success- ful: It would have been futile to search the writings of the founders of Marxism for descriptions of political changes which would be similar to those presently taking place in our country and in the other People’s Democracies.
Socialism is common to all worker’s of the world, but the road to socialism is not and cannot be identical at every stage in 14 history. Gomulka unequivocally rejected large parts of the Soviet experience for the future development of Polish socialism.
Zbior dokumentow Warsaw [limited edition], ; and his article in Z Pola Walki, no. He did admit the KPP-ists were dedicated revolutionaries, but he said they didn’t understand national concerns, because independence was a primary issue to which all other issues should be subordinated.
Basically he also favoured, though not 20 completely, the general ideas of Pilsudski. After the debate, Gomulka refused to retract his statements, although he acknowledged that the discussants had made “a number of krzyszof points. The Buro also decided that its membership would individually submit critical comments on the speech by the General Secretary. As Khrushchev put it nauczannia his memoirs: Stalin, while fully accepting Gomulka as the leader of the Party, still considered Bierut to be his man in the Politburo.
And we all knew 24 this.
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For details see Werblan, Wladyslaw Gomulka, p. The Politburo first intended to correct Gomulka’s text, nauczannia it was later decided to write a new document.
As related kryszewski Werblan by Ignacy Loga-Sowinski. Interview with Werblan, March They rejected Gomulka’s analysis and accused the General Secretary of succumbing to a “rightist deviation,” because he advocated the “nationalist and opportunist” traditions of the PPS as a programme for the PZPR.
They argued that the “simple view” of the KPP as an “agent of Moscow” blindly “accepted the legends disseminated by class enemies. He failed to realize that the KPP “trained a great number of functionaries who were prepared to fight both the class struggle and the struggle against the Soviet Union.
Gomulka had been the only leader in the region, excluding Tito, who resisted Stalin’s demands. The death knell of Gomulka’s ‘Polish road to socialism’ came at the Cominform conference held in Rumania at the end of June. The resolution of the Cominform approved the total collectivization of agriculture, the liquidation of the ‘kulaks’, and called for the intensification of the class struggle in the construction of socialism.
Kriszewski Cominform also attacked all forms of ‘rightist- krzyszto deviation’ and demanded that the Yugoslav communists purge Tito and install an “internationalist leadership. The purge of those 34 connected to Gomulka began shortly thereafter. An article in Nowe Drogi, entitled “Murders in White Aprons” and written by Michal Mirski, defended the charges against the doctors on the grounds that they were Zionists and thus 30 Cited in Werblan, Wladyslaw Gomulka, pp.
Intogether szhuka the Soviet advisors, Comrade [Georgii] Popov37 prepared a special and thorough study of former Trotskyists in the Party. The Tenth Department then furnished very wide-ranging plans [Purges] on this subject. On the mrzysztof of Comrade [Bierut] I became familiar with these plans and voiced my opinion that they be 38 markedly constricted. In any case, the plans were not realized. Nevertheless, anti-Semitism had been a factor in the numerous changes that took place within the highest-echelons of the PZPR in early The Soviet policy towards Sztukx activists of Jewish origin was recently described by Stefan Staszewski thus: Soviet ambassador Popov, sztuk an official demarche, demanded the dismissal of Staszewski, [Artur] Starewicz, [Leon] Kasman and about two other comrades.
They had got back on their old anti-Semitic course, and we were Jews. Bierut said to me outright: Khrushchev thought kruszedski would be conducive to calming the atmosphere and defusing the situation if I were dismissed and all the blame for the 41 preceding period fell on me.
Bermana do protokolu BP, 5 V r. Berman had great influence on Bierut. Anything he wanted to do he could do through Bierut Berman’s krzysztpf toward native Polish cadres was incorrect,43 and it resulted in certain difficulties for the [PZPR] But, like Berman, Minc demonstrated certain peculiarities for which he later had to be censured by the Party.
I would have to say krusszewski Bierut 45 may have relied on both these men more than he should have. Until Novemberthe leading Party activists continued to publicly uphold the correctness of the Stalinist system.
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The November conference was called by the PZPR leadership as a result of the events that followed the liquidation of Stalin’s secret police chief. Za kulisami bezpieki i partii, [hereafter Mowi Jozef Swiatlo] London, Swiatlo was head of the department dealing with ‘enemies within the Party’.
He was responsible sztka the arrest of Gomulka and Spychalski. Wspomnieniavol. I London,pp.